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Dr. A.R. Venkatachalapathy

The writer is a Professor at the Madras Institute of Development Studies, Chennai, and a member of the Board of Advisers of The Hindu Centre for Politics and Public Policy. He is a historian and Tamil writer and has published widely on the social, cultural and intellectual history of colonial and postcolonial Tamil Nadu.

chalapathy@mids.ac.in

Protest and Policy

The "Virtual Community" of Tamils

Dr. A.R. Venkatachalapathy
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  • Around 2000 students protest on March 20th against alleged war crimes against Tamils in Sri Lanka at Marina Beach in Chennai, ahead of the resolution against Sri Lanka at the United Nations Human Rights Council.
    Around 2000 students protest on March 20th against alleged war crimes against Tamils in Sri Lanka at Marina Beach in Chennai, ahead of the resolution against Sri Lanka at the United Nations Human Rights Council.
  • Shopkeepers in Arachalur in Erode district, Tamil Nadu, down their shutters to protest against alleged human rights violations in Sri Lanka.
    Shopkeepers in Arachalur in Erode district, Tamil Nadu, down their shutters to protest against alleged human rights violations in Sri Lanka.
  • Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam cadre stage a road blockade on March 12th as part of a general strike called by DMK-led Tamil Eelam Supporters Organization (TESO) at Anna Salai in Chennai, demanding that the Union Government supports the resolution against Sri Lanka at the UN Human Rights Council.
    Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam cadre stage a road blockade on March 12th as part of a general strike called by DMK-led Tamil Eelam Supporters Organization (TESO) at Anna Salai in Chennai, demanding that the Union Government supports the resolution against Sri Lanka at the UN Human Rights Council.
  • Members of Parliament from the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam stage a protest on March 3rd against alleged atrocities done to Tamils in Sri Lanka, ahead of the vote on the US-sponsored resolution against Sri Lanka at the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva on March 21st.
    Members of Parliament from the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam stage a protest on March 3rd against alleged atrocities done to Tamils in Sri Lanka, ahead of the vote on the US-sponsored resolution against Sri Lanka at the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva on March 21st.
  • Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi cadre picket the Central Telegraph Office in Coimbatore, Tamil Nadu, demanding that the Union Government votes against Sri Lanka in the United Nations Human Rights Council in Geneva.
    Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi cadre picket the Central Telegraph Office in Coimbatore, Tamil Nadu, demanding that the Union Government votes against Sri Lanka in the United Nations Human Rights Council in Geneva.
  • Thol Thirumavalavan, Member of Parliament from Tamil Nadu, stages a protest on March 22nd in New Delhi demanding implementation of a permanent political settlement for Tamils living in Sri Lanka.
    Thol Thirumavalavan, Member of Parliament from Tamil Nadu, stages a protest on March 22nd in New Delhi demanding implementation of a permanent political settlement for Tamils living in Sri Lanka.

"The steady exchange of people, ideas and culture between the people of Tamil Nadu and Tamils around the world has built a virtual community, an imagined community of Tamils, to be seen not as a nation or as a territorial community, but as a cultural community," says Dr. A.R. Venkatachalapathy. He was invited by The Hindu Centre to respond to a set of questions following the eruption of the anti-Lanka agitations in Tamil Nadu.

Is there an authentic Eelam narrative in Tamil Nadu since 2009?

Since 2009, there has not been even a single unilinear or monolithic Eelam narrative in Tamil Nadu. The first response to the end of the civil war and the annihilation of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) was one of disbelief as few believed that the LTTE would or could be militarily defeated. The LTTE was thus a victim of its own image of invincibility. The myth that one section holds that Velupillai Prabhakaran is still alive stems from this disbelief. That the final days of war coincided with the parliamentary elections and the subsequent formation of the UPA - II government gave some pause to the emergence of a new narrative.

The first few months following the LTTE debacle was attended by the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) government and M. Karunanidhi’s desperate bid to shore up his lost image as the leader and protector of Tamils worldwide. The MP’s delegation to Sri Lanka and the World Classical Tamil Conference were a part of this move. So one crucial element of the narrative has been the loss of legitimacy suffered by the DMK and M. Karunanidhi. The Congress party’s historical image as a formation opposed to Tamil interests was solidified in this process. Evidently, the Congress was a millstone that took the DMK with it in the 2011 elections. It is this perception that is behind the DMK’s ultimate step to quit the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) earlier this month.

The Tamil press has consistently reported on Sri Lanka. A dominant element in this reportage is the confirmation of the Sri Lankan state’s malafide intentions vis-à-vis the Tamil people. Three periodicals – Ananda Vikatan, Junior Vikatan and the daily Dinamani immediately before, during and after the war – rode the wave of this perception. Even a cursory reading of the reports would indicate the popular inability to come to terms with the defeat of the LTTE, and the anger against the Sri Lankan state for its treatment of its Tamil citizens. There have been extensive reports of the plight of the Tamil people in the Sri Lankan government’s rehabilitation measures. The pro-China tilt of Sri Lanka, and the attendant dangers for India’s geo-strategic interests, has been stressed.

A disproportionate share of attention (measured by the yardstick of actual strength on the ground) has been cornered by Tamil nationalist fringe groups, who have occupied the space opened up by the elimination of the LTTE, the perpetrators of the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi, for the articulation of views unable to find a voice since 1991. The shift in Tamil Nadu Chief Minister J. Jayalalithaa’s stand – to take up the Tamil cause in a bid to undermine the legitimacy of the DMK and M. Karunanidhi – has radically altered the playing field.

The UN resolution provided the proximate cause for the simmering discontent in Tamil Nadu to boil over. There has been a steady current of resentment against the Sri Lankan government, and the way the UPA government has provided support to Sri Lanka. The documentation provided by international agencies such as the Channel 4 documentaries, the books such as Gordon Weiss’s Cage and Frances Harrison’s Still Counting the Dead have given a new dimension to what were seen as only pro-Eelam propaganda.

But the protests are still largely inchoate. There are no clearly defined objectives or aims. Now that the UN session is over and the state government is beginning to take a tougher stance, the student protests will die inevitably. But the roots of discontent will remain.

Has the Mullaivaikal incident and the delayed rehabilitation of the Tamil refugees had real resonance in Tamil Nadu? When Prabhakaran was killed and the LTTE wiped out, there did not seem to be much reaction in Tamil Nadu, so why has the anger over Sri Lankan Tamils come back?

There were at least 17 self-immolations in Tamil Nadu in the months leading up to May 2009. The self-immolation of K. Muthukumar, a journalist, in January 2009, made a deep impression on the Tamil public mind.

The singular absence of an outburst in the wake of the bloodbath – contrary to the threat of some Tamil nationalist leaders that ‘rivers of blood would flow’ if the least harm were to befall Prabhakaran – can be adduced to the following factors. Firstly, the LTTE was a victim of its own image of invincibility, an image bolstered by smaller political forces like Vaiko, P. Nedumaran, Seeman and others who still maintain that Prabhakaran is alive. M. Karunanidhi, the then Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu, made clever use of this: when asked to comment on the death of Prabhakaran, he cited Nedumaran’s denial. Another aspect to the containment of the situation was the role played by the then DMK Government – for which the UPA government and the Congress in particular should be eternally grateful to the DMK. Karunanidhi’s self-cultivated image as the leader of Tamils was exploited to deflect the mounting protests even though by the end of 2009 that image had worn thin.

Who are the authentic voices with influence in the Tamil Nadu discourse on the Sri Lankan Tamil question?

Here it might be appropriate to examine what Tamil Eelam means in the Tamil context. Tamil Eelam means different things in different discourses. In the mainstream English discourse, Tamil Eelam is secessionist, with a clear political, territorial, nationalist and sovereign dimension to it. In the Tamil popular discourse, however, Tamil Eelam encompasses a whole range of things of which an independent sovereign state for Tamils is only one part, perhaps a very crucial part. In the Tamil imaginary it has to do with cultural sharing, and evokes a social resonance, and an emotional response – a distinction not be lost sight of. And even within the Tamil imaginary there are various shades of opinion. There is an entire spectrum of Tamil opinion, ranging from fringe Tamil nationalist groups to the other end of the spectrum encompassing moderate and liberal views.

Is there a relationship of the Eelam concept to the larger ongoing Dravidian movement?

Tamil identity politics has a complex history, and it is necessary to trace its trajectory before analyzing its relationship to Eelam. Tamil identity politics has its intellectual genesis in the work of 19th century European Orientalists, and the rediscovery of the Tamil classics by Tamil scholars. This coalesced with the non-Brahmin movement that emerged in the first decades of the 20th century. The non-Brahmin movement had at its core an antagonism to the social base of Indian nationalism which was exploited by the British. What was essentially an upper-caste and elite movement was radically transformed by Periyar in the 1920s. The ideology was radicalized, and its social base was vastly expanded to encompass the large mass of middle and lower castes. With the split in the movement spearheaded by C.N. Annadurai and the formation of the DMK the movement joined the mainstream of electoral politics. However, popular misconception notwithstanding, the Dravidian movement was never primarily a secessionist movement. Periyar’s articulation of secession – whether for a separate Tamil Nadu in 1937-1939 or for Dravidastan in the years leading up to 1947, or when he subsequently revised his position to once again ask for a separate Tamil Nadu in the 1950s – was always a contingent demand and not an absolute one. (Periyar always raised the issue of secession in relation to the lack of power for the backward classes and lower castes. If the Indian Union came in the way of the aspirations of the shudras he said that he would demand secession. How else would K. Kamaraj have agreed to rub shoulders with Periyar for over a decade, from 1954 to 1967?) Hardly ever did the Dravida Kazhagam (DK) or DMK actually launch an agitation for a separate state. The DMK saw the Chinese aggression in 1962 as a godsend to have a face-saving way of dropping the secessionist demand.

It is important to note that the intellectual resources for Tamil identity politics were shared by Tamil Nadu and Eelam. But a crucial element was missing in Eelam. Sri Lankan Tamils could never identify themselves with the (dominant) non-Brahmin component of the Dravidian movement, nor endorse the radical social reform programme championed by Periyar.

The demand for a sovereign and independent Tamil Eelam emerged as a demand only in the 1970s and should not therefore be confused with the Dravidian movement.

Tamil nationalist fringe groups in Tamil Nadu have, however, exploited the apparent overlap. Over the last couple of decades, these groups have used Sri Lanka to champion a proxy Tamil nationalism which has certainly not helped the Sri Lankan Tamil people and might have positively harmed their interests. It has given a handle to forces inimical to Sri Lankan Tamil interests to depict the entire struggle and the support for it from Tamil Nadu as anti-(Indian) national in character.

Is Eelam still a goal or would devolution under the 13th amendment address the alienation?

The annihilation of the LTTE has left a political vacuum. In the decade preceding the July 1983 pogrom there were many contending political forces in Tamil Sri Lanka – from the moderates to the many groups of armed militants. The systematic elimination of all such forces by the LTTE has resulted in the absence of a formation to articulate the grievances of the Sri Lankan Tamils in a language comprehensible to the international community. The sad absence of a spokesman like, say, A. Amirthalingam, a senior leader of the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) or a jurist such as Neelan Thiruchelvam is particularly missed. The TULF leaders had a consummate understanding of the global situation, and had a good command over diplomatic language to articulate legitimate Tamil interests within a framework of international affairs and geo-strategic interests.

Another aspect is the confusion created by Tamil nationalist fringe groups in Tamil Nadu. We are in a strange situation. All the voices that we hear are from those outside Sri Lanka –Tamils in the diaspora and various shades of opinion in Tamil Nadu. The Tamils in Sri Lanka themselves seem to have no voice.

The Eelam Tamil diaspora is strongly committed to an independent Eelam. In the present context where democratic rights of the Tamils in Sri Lanka is stifled and dignified existence is a question, their views cannot be ascertained.

Until all the Tamil people are rehabilitated, those in illegal and interminable detention tried, war criminals punished, and the demilitarization of the traditional Tamil homelands is complete, it would be merely of academic interest to discuss the political future of Eelam Tamils. This might be inconvenient, but this is nevertheless the reality.

Are the people of Tamil Nadu really connected to the Sri Lankan Tamils or is it a creation of political parties desperate for issues to rally masses?

The current student protests is only the tip of the iceberg: there is little doubt that the people of Tamil Nadu are really connected to the Sri Lankan Tamils. The political parties are only making capital out of this strong undercurrent of empathy and concern.

The chasm that had developed between Tamil Nadu and Sri Lanka after Independence began to be bridged after 1983. The steady exchange of people, ideas, cultural artefacts, etc., has been transformed by the digital information technology. The role of the Tamil diaspora has to be discussed separately. But suffice to say they have spearheaded the fashioning of a shared culture between Tamils in India and the dispersed Tamil community across the world.

The mental universe of many a thinking Tamil would be seriously impoverished without the poetry of a Cheran or the prose of an A. Muttulingam. It is this formation which has seriously undermined the DMK’s credibility and its professed claim to be the protector of Tamils. It is also this complexity which makes it difficult for the State government to control the student agitation gripping the state. This new formation is a virtual community, an imagined community of Tamils, to be seen not as a nation or as a territorial community, but as a cultural community. To mistake it for a political community or even a social community may be to completely miss the point. Perhaps that’s why the arena of the last conflict, Mullivaikkal, will be a permanent scar on the Tamil psyche.

(The writer is a Professor at the Madras Institute of Development Studies, Chennai, and a member of the Board of Advisers of The Hindu Centre for Politics and Public Policy. He is a historian and Tamil writer and has published widely on the social, cultural and intellectual history of colonial and postcolonial Tamil Nadu.)

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from:  Uggs Outlet
Posted on: Oct 19, 2013 at 12:48 IST

In Sri Lanka there is no single Tamil community. We do not know the account of the up-country Tamils.

from:  J. Balasubramaniam
Posted on: Apr 2, 2013 at 21:02 IST

Rajah, you said: "Shiv, you are injecting caste and religion into this unnecessarily. Can you rise above all this pettiness and realize that lakhs of human lives have been butchered by the despot Rajapakshe." You have a limited understanding of the situation. History teaches everyone that there are no winners or losers in a civil war. The US civil war was the best example. It took place for only four years but millions perished, and the butchery and deaths that took place were gruesome. It takes two hands to clap. If there had been no human rights violations by the LTTE, or if there had been a Gandhian movement or the path Nelson Mandela took to bring honour and equality to the most brutally treated people in their own land, then I would accept what you say. The LTTE indulged in a brutal civil war, both the Sinhalas and scores of Tamils paid an unnecessary heavy price.

from:  Shiv
Posted on: Apr 2, 2013 at 10:47 IST

If Prof. Venkatachalapathy had spent as much effort in characterizing the Sri Lankan Tamil community (of North and East Sri Lanka) as he has done with the Dravidian movement, the question of the relationship between the Eelam concept and the Dravidian movement would have been answered better. Sri Lankan Tamil society was free of Brahmin dominance but it was dominated by the Vellalar community who were staunch Shaivites and followers of the 19th century saint, Arumuga Naavalar. Their affinity for Tamil literature of the Bhakti period was natural and profound. They also had a strong tradition of Tamil scholarship, on which there was much sharing and collaboration with scholars in Tamil Nadu. Given these factors, they had little use for the Orientalists-inspired concept of Dravidian identity or for Periyar's atheism. Nor did they share the DMK's ideological angularities with Tamil, with the latter's disdain for Bhakti literature. Eelam grew out of their own history, situation and experience.

from:  N. Kalyan Raman
Posted on: Apr 1, 2013 at 07:59 IST

There may not be a political aim but there is subtly a political message in the ongoing student movement in Tamil Nadu in support of Tamil Eelam. This message would in future become the theme of a coherent political action which would go beyond support for Eelam Tamils.

from:  S. Arunagiri
Posted on: Apr 1, 2013 at 00:31 IST

While I appreciate the incisive nature of the opinions expressed, the article fails to confirm the following: 1. The Sri Lankan Tamils issue is just an articulation of the Jaffna Tamils and has totally ignored the role and place for plantation Tamil workers of Indian origin and the Muslims of Tamil origin. The Jaffna Tamils, Plantation Tamils and the Muslim Tamils do not have a shared perception on the Tamil Eelam issue. 2.Electorally, the Tamil issue can never dominate or tilt the verdict in Tamil Nadu politics. When elections are announced the Eelam issue will wither away. 3.The pro-active role of the Tamil diaspora and the network they have throughout the globe with their massive media power is the single largest contributor for keeping this issue alive. 4.There have been no death of Tamils since May 2009 in Sri Lanka, which has been missed by the author. 5.The general autocratic rule of the Rajapakshe regime extends beyond the Tamil issue and pervades all aspects of Sri Lanakan polity.

from:  Ram S.
Posted on: Mar 31, 2013 at 22:31 IST

We don't need any cultural or ethnic ties with the Tamils in the island to sympathise with Sri Lankan Tamils and to force the UN on the resolution against Sri Lanka. It is the love we show to fellow human beings. If the Sinhalese had gone through similar trauma, I hope our voice of anguish would have been the same.

from:  Ananda Prakash Iyer
Posted on: Mar 31, 2013 at 21:28 IST

I don't believe that there are any strong undercurrents of love and empathy for the Sri Lankan Tamils from the people of Tamil Nadu. We never had any great relationship with the Sri Lankan Tamils. I have studied with quite a few of them who never ever identified themselves with Tamils in Tamil Nadu and always considered themselves to be superior. We may sympathise with them and wish better lives for them, but do not identify ourselves with them.

from:  Shankar
Posted on: Mar 31, 2013 at 18:58 IST

Shiv, you are injecting caste and religion into this unnecessarily. Can you rise above all this pettiness and realize that lakhs of human lives have been butchered by the despot Rajapakshe. To make it even worse, Tamils are under military control in the North and the East. How callous can you be to disregard the right of all Tamils and other minorities to live in peace in their own land?

from:  Rajah
Posted on: Mar 30, 2013 at 23:57 IST

Tamils in Sri Lanka have real grievances and their rights have been denied wantonly and deliberately. The fight for their rights transformed from peaceful to violent due to the denial of the Sinhalese leadership. Tamils remain as strong as before. They will achieve their goal in the near future. The Sinhalese leadership will collapse by its own weight. The division of Sri Lanka is inevitable,unless the majority Sinhalese learn to live in peace with their fellow Tamils, whose legitimate rights are recognised.

from:  Sundresan
Posted on: Mar 30, 2013 at 22:26 IST

Mr. Shiv seems to be the Voice of the BJP.

from:  Bala
Posted on: Mar 30, 2013 at 22:20 IST

A mediocre article that merely focuses on key moments in Tamil history. It does not offer bold solutions and fails to underline the fact that although the Tamil Nadu political parties are playing vote bank politics they are really the only ones who have the power and capacity to influence the future of Tamils in Sri Lanka. It is ridiculous to expect the Tamils living in Sri Lanka to have a dissenting voice (leave alone a voice) in the current climate. The Sri Lankan government will never allow the rise of a Tamil force like the LTTE and therefore the suppression of Tamils will continue to be carefully monitored and cemented. What is required is constant, strong pressure from India (from J. Jayalalitha and not Salman Khurshid) to release the women and children who are still held in camps behind barbed wires under the pretext of rehabilitation.

from:  Sri
Posted on: Mar 30, 2013 at 20:41 IST

I think the author has tried to make a reasonable understanding out of the mess created by the khazhagams. First, as a Tamil from Tamil Nadu, I don't have any emotional connect to the Jaffna Tamils cause. Second, the god-fearing Hindu Jaffna Tamils have very little connect to the atheist DMK/DK. The author will be doing a service to his readers if he analyses the Christian connections of Prabhakaran with the Christian movement of Tamil Nadu. This will make more sense than trying to analyse the emotional connect of Tamils in Tamil Nadu with their counterparts in Jaffna. It is time to call the bluff of the terrorist sympathisers remaining in Tamil Nadu, cut off their financial ties abroad, even evict them from Tamil Nadu. Jaffna Tamils will have to realise that they need to live alongside the Sinhalas. They would do well to integrate with them rather than trying to hold on to the Tamils in Tamil Nadu.

from:  Shiv
Posted on: Mar 30, 2013 at 12:13 IST

Thank you for this lucid and perceptive analysis.

from:  S.V. Srinivas
Posted on: Mar 30, 2013 at 01:59 IST

Tamils have been slaughtered in thousands and they want an independent inquiry. Many Tamils believe, and rightly so, that no solution can be found inside a united Sri Lanka as Rajapakse has refused a United North East or Police or Land Powers to the council. It is the countries that banned the LTTE such as the U.S., Canada and the European Union that are now supporting the Tamils. Protesting inside Sri Lanka is not possible. Journalists and human rights activists have either been killed, jailed, disappeared or have fled the country. Lasantha Wickrematunge, the Sunday Leader editor, even wrote a posthumous editorial about his death. The Tamil diaspora, including the diaspora-elected TGTE led by V.Rudrakumaran will continue to fight the issue diplomatically. The diplomatic pressure on Sri Lanka is more than at any time. While the armed conflict is over, this mass killing will remain in Tamil history forever.

from:  Rhea
Posted on: Mar 29, 2013 at 22:27 IST

Thanks to The Hindu Centre and Dr. A.R. Venkatachalapathy for the apt answers to these serious questions. The Hindu Centre can play a vital role in raising awareness among people, especially among the student community. Such informative posts will definitely give a clear picture of the present turmoil and confusion. Keep up the good work.

from:  Philip V. Ariel
Posted on: Mar 29, 2013 at 14:35 IST

I am not really sure if Eelam Tamils or Sri Lankan Tamils are special in the sense that they 'want to fight it out'. I would assume that they are like any other group of people, for whom survival would be the foremost option on their mind. Escaping from the island would be the easiest and most preferred option for them. Outsiders, including the diaspora, may want to encourage protests but that is because they are just spectators. The players should be motivated enough to fight. I don't think Tamils in Sri Lanka have a motivation to fight. Already there is talk of recruiting Tamil women soldiers into the Sri Lankan army. Assimilation has already begun, I guess. Whether it is good or bad, that is an altogether different question.

from:  Raghuraman R.
Posted on: Mar 28, 2013 at 20:34 IST

At the outset of this discussion one thing is clear. There is a strong social current underneath the human psyche of Tamils which is subjected to political gain. A broad social consensus has forced the legislature or the executive to act accordingly. There was a simmering unrest in the post civil war period which has been finally channelized and which saw the light of day with this agitation.

from:  K.A.R.Reddy
Posted on: Mar 28, 2013 at 20:30 IST

Prior to the Rajiv Gandhi assassination, whatever sympathy the Sri Lankan Tamils had enjoyed in Tamil Nadu, and whatever relevance the issue had, got altered completely to disdain and indifference. It is due to this that the annihilation of the LTTE and the war crimes against the Tamil population did not evoke any great ripples in Tami Nadu in 2009 despite the efforts of some fringe groups. Now the situation has undergone a change as noted in the interview, due to both the DMK and the AIADMK throwing their weight behind the issue to gain political advantage. The publication of the channel 4 video and picture about the killing of V. Prabhakaran's son has evoked sympathy now, resulting in student protests and general unrest. These are just emotional and may die out without giving any political leverage to any party in the next general elections, however hard they try to whip up emotions. In my view, people in general have just an academic interest in this matter.

from:  Dr.Swami D Francis
Posted on: Mar 28, 2013 at 18:30 IST

All democratic countries, whether they are small or large, must understand that they are bound to pay respect to all regions without considering their merits and demerits or development. It is a matter of gaining respect on international platforms.

from:  Gourav Garg
Posted on: Mar 28, 2013 at 12:02 IST

One of the key questions that is not answered by the article is the role of politics and the opportunism with which our politicians behave. Once there is large public support the state and all the actors tend to swing towards public sentiment. They do not themselves uphold any principles or value or ideology. One can see a lot of parallels between this and the Kudunkulam protests. Also, there is no real engagement. Engagement requires a lot of hard work, reconciliation, dialogue. All we are interested in is rhetoric and not engagement.

from:  Priya
Posted on: Mar 28, 2013 at 11:30 IST

1.When asked about the death of Prabhakaran, Karunanidhi said "maaveerarkalukku maranamillai"; In Tigers' dictionary "maaveerar" means "martyr". Therefore, he indirectly admitted the death of Prabhakaran; He never endorsed the view of P.Nedumaran. 2. It is wrong to say "Sri Lankan Tamils could never identify themselves with the (dominant) non-Brahmin component of the Dravidian movement, nor endorse the radical social reform programme championed by Periyar"; In Eelam, the population of Brahmins is limited, so no anti-Brahmin movement is needed. But politically and culturally, the Eelam Tamils are influenced by the Dravidian movement.

from:  Ravikumar, Editor,Manarkeni Bi Monthly
Posted on: Mar 28, 2013 at 11:24 IST
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